The legal situation might be somewhat different for other Commonwealth or former Commonwealth states anyway, because you don't necessarily have the same historical arguments about the supremacy of the UK parliament within those jurisdictions.
But yes, if we did want a new written constitution to become superior to any other legal authority except for a popular decision to change that constitution, one strategy that might be compatible with our current legal order would be to establish and empower whatever new order was intended and then render the historical Parliament functionally impotent so that no mechanism remained for it to pass any new legislation that would undermine the new order.
I wonder what Dicey would have made of such issues today. I suspect he might have argued that any claimed authority under any system of government is relevant only if that system has popular consent, so regardless of historical precedent, if the will of the people is clearly to change to a new system of government then the old system no longer enjoys any moral authority anyway.
As a practical matter, if the public view is clear and most of those in positions of power within the new order, such as political representatives and judges, support that view, then arguments about preserving the historical order become moot points anyway. And if the public ever felt strongly enough about our constitution that this kind of change was a realistic prospect, I wouldn't expect anyone in a position of power to keep that position under the new order if they didn't support it.
But yes, if we did want a new written constitution to become superior to any other legal authority except for a popular decision to change that constitution, one strategy that might be compatible with our current legal order would be to establish and empower whatever new order was intended and then render the historical Parliament functionally impotent so that no mechanism remained for it to pass any new legislation that would undermine the new order.
I wonder what Dicey would have made of such issues today. I suspect he might have argued that any claimed authority under any system of government is relevant only if that system has popular consent, so regardless of historical precedent, if the will of the people is clearly to change to a new system of government then the old system no longer enjoys any moral authority anyway.
As a practical matter, if the public view is clear and most of those in positions of power within the new order, such as political representatives and judges, support that view, then arguments about preserving the historical order become moot points anyway. And if the public ever felt strongly enough about our constitution that this kind of change was a realistic prospect, I wouldn't expect anyone in a position of power to keep that position under the new order if they didn't support it.